By Roger Brock, Stephen Hodkinson
This quantity includes eighteen essays via verified and more youthful historians that learn non-democratic substitute political platforms and ideologies--oligarchies, monarchies, combined constitutions--along with varied sorts of communal and neighborhood institutions resembling ethnoi, amphiktyonies, and confederacies. The papers, which span the size and breadth of the Hellenic international spotlight the huge political flexibility and variety of historical Greek civilization.
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6–10) or those which preceded the Union of Argos and Corinth in the late 390s (ibid. 4. 4. 1–6). We should not present too anodyne a picture of ancient Greek political change. Nevertheless, the comparative ﬂexibility of political arrangements was a signiﬁcant phenomenon in a world which did not possess, as does our own, a single dominant political formation like the nation-state whose citizens lack direct control of its di·erentiated decision-making institutions and armed forces. The challenge for us moderns is to develop an interpretative framework for ancient Greek politics and polities which matches the ﬂexibility of the Greeks themselves.
When citizenship depends on the mother’s descent as well as the father’s, women are in an important sense included within the political community, despite their lack of active political rights. We should adopt a similar approach to those not ‘fully enfranchised’ in poleis ruled by minority regimes. Such men are likely to have perceived themselves as embraced by ethnic self-deﬁnitions like ‘the Corinthians’ by virtue of descent, hereditary residence in and occupation of the land, privileged access to religious and judicial functions, and so on.
After agitation at Massalia, however, other family members were admitted to participation (Arist. Pol. 1305B2–10). Megarian coup: Arist. Pol. 1300A16–19 with 1304B34–9; for the date see E. W. Robinson (1997) 114–17, Lane Fox and van Wees (below, pp. 37–44 and 52 n. 2). On all the varieties of oligarchy see Whibley (1896) ch. 4, still the standard text after a century. On ﬁxed number at Athens see Brock (1989). Aristotle seems to concede up to a point the claims of Sparta and Carthage that their use of election for o¶ce reﬂects a concern to select the best men (1293B7–18)—though he is famously scathing about the Spartan mechanism of election—while remaining clear that they are oligarchic in operation (and Sparta formally a mixed constitution: 1294B18–34).
Alternatives to Athens by Roger Brock, Stephen Hodkinson